How Internal are China’s Internal Problems?

December 9, 2015 By Tenzin TsultrimBy Tenzin Tsultrim*

Introduction

For centuries China was known for its vast population and its heterogeneity. It was during the Qing dynasty, due to the increase of agriculture production and other factors that China’s population reached 400 million. However, a rising population exceeds its resources and the later increase of population became one of the important factors for the downfall of the Qing Dynasty. The fear of a population explosion and its impact continues to haunt China in modern period as well. Three decades after the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Chinese government decided to control the rising population through coercive methods.

 

From 1800-1911, there were around eight major well known rebellions in China, covering different parts of the empire. One of the common reasons for the outbreak of all these rebellion was misgovernment and corruption. Within four decades of the establishment of the PRC, the Tiananmen Square protests broke out in China led by students and later joined by union laborers, and common Chinese people. Once again, the reasons for the protests were a decade of misgovernance and growing corruption. From 1993 to 2008, there were a total of 614,100 protests across China. These protests resulted from many factors including misgovernment and corruption at the Centre as well as at the provincial level. Chinese people mainly protests when their rights are taken away or taken away from them by the government. When someone takes away what is dear to you, it is natural for people to protest. This paper is an attempt to throw light on the fact that the recurring protests in China are not a recent phenomenon; they are embedded in Chinese history. In the following pages, an attempt has been made to reveal that there is a connection between past and present which has implications for future of China.[PDF]

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*Tenzin Tsultrim is a Visiting Fellow at the Tibet Policy Institute, views expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of the Tibet Policy Institute.

 

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